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The brightest and the best take on government waste
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Fred Exley
2024-11-21 17:45:36 UTC
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Not since Kennedy's Camelot era have the brightest and best minds in
America been involved in Washington DC policy making.


Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy: The DOGE Plan to Reform Government

Our nation was founded on the basic idea that the people we elect run
the government. That isn’t how America functions today. Most legal
edicts aren’t laws enacted by Congress but “rules and regulations”
promulgated by unelected bureaucrats—tens of thousands of them each
year. Most government enforcement decisions and discretionary
expenditures aren’t made by the democratically elected president or even
his political appointees but by millions of unelected, unappointed civil
servants within government agencies who view themselves as immune from
firing thanks to civil-service protections.

This is antidemocratic and antithetical to the Founders’ vision. It
imposes massive direct and indirect costs on taxpayers. Thankfully, we
have a historic opportunity to solve the problem. On Nov. 5, voters
decisively elected Donald Trump with a mandate for sweeping change, and
they deserve to get it.

President Trump has asked the two of us to lead a newly formed
Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, to cut the federal
government down to size. The entrenched and ever-growing bureaucracy
represents an existential threat to our republic, and politicians have
abetted it for too long. That’s why we’re doing things differently. We
are entrepreneurs, not politicians. We will serve as outside volunteers,
not federal officials or employees. Unlike government commissions or
advisory committees, we won’t just write reports or cut ribbons. We’ll
cut costs.

We are assisting the Trump transition team to identify and hire a lean
team of small-government crusaders, including some of the sharpest
technical and legal minds in America. This team will work in the new
administration closely with the White House Office of Management and
Budget. The two of us will advise DOGE at every step to pursue three
major kinds of reform: regulatory rescissions, administrative reductions
and cost savings. We will focus particularly on driving change through
executive action based on existing legislation rather than by passing
new laws. Our North Star for reform will be the U.S. Constitution, with
a focus on two critical Supreme Court rulings issued during President
Biden’s tenure.

In West Virginia v. Environmental Protection Agency (2022), the justices
held that agencies can’t impose regulations dealing with major economic
or policy questions unless Congress specifically authorizes them to do
so. In Loper Bright v. Raimondo (2024), the court overturned the Chevron
doctrine and held that federal courts should no longer defer to federal
agencies’ interpretations of the law or their own rulemaking authority.
Together, these cases suggest that a plethora of current federal
regulations exceed the authority Congress has granted under the law.

DOGE will work with legal experts embedded in government agencies, aided
by advanced technology, to apply these rulings to federal regulations
enacted by such agencies. DOGE will present this list of regulations to
President Trump, who can, by executive action, immediately pause the
enforcement of those regulations and initiate the process for review and
rescission. This would liberate individuals and businesses from illicit
regulations never passed by Congress and stimulate the U.S. economy.

When the president nullifies thousands of such regulations, critics will
allege executive overreach. In fact, it will be correcting the executive
overreach of thousands of regulations promulgated by administrative fiat
that were never authorized by Congress. The president owes lawmaking
deference to Congress, not to bureaucrats deep within federal agencies.
The use of executive orders to substitute for lawmaking by adding
burdensome new rules is a constitutional affront, but the use of
executive orders to roll back regulations that wrongly bypassed Congress
is legitimate and necessary to comply with the Supreme Court’s recent
mandates. And after those regulations are fully rescinded, a future
president couldn’t simply flip the switch and revive them but would
instead have to ask Congress to do so.

A drastic reduction in federal regulations provides sound industrial
logic for mass head-count reductions across the federal bureaucracy.
DOGE intends to work with embedded appointees in agencies to identify
the minimum number of employees required at an agency for it to perform
its constitutionally permissible and statutorily mandated functions. The
number of federal employees to cut should be at least proportionate to
the number of federal regulations that are nullified: Not only are fewer
employees required to enforce fewer regulations, but the agency would
produce fewer regulations once its scope of authority is properly
limited. Employees whose positions are eliminated deserve to be treated
with respect, and DOGE’s goal is to help support their transition into
the private sector. The president can use existing laws to give them
incentives for early retirement and to make voluntary severance payments
to facilitate a graceful exit.

Conventional wisdom holds that statutory civil-service protections stop
the president or even his political appointees from firing federal
workers. The purpose of these protections is to protect employees from
political retaliation. But the statute allows for “reductions in force”
that don’t target specific employees. The statute further empowers the
president to “prescribe rules governing the competitive service.” That
power is broad. Previous presidents have used it to amend the civil
service rules by executive order, and the Supreme Court has held—in
Franklin v. Massachusetts (1992) and Collins v. Yellen (2021) that they
weren’t constrained by the Administrative Procedures Act when they did
so. With this authority, Mr. Trump can implement any number of “rules
governing the competitive service” that would curtail administrative
overgrowth, from large-scale firings to relocation of federal agencies
out of the Washington area. Requiring federal employees to come to the
office five days a week would result in a wave of voluntary terminations
that we welcome: If federal employees don’t want to show up, American
taxpayers shouldn’t pay them for the Covid-era privilege of staying home.

Finally, we are focused on delivering cost savings for taxpayers.
Skeptics question how much federal spending DOGE can tame through
executive action alone. They point to the 1974 Impoundment Control Act,
which stops the president from ceasing expenditures authorized by
Congress. Mr. Trump has previously suggested this statute is
unconstitutional, and we believe the current Supreme Court would likely
side with him on this question. But even without relying on that view,
DOGE will help end federal overspending by taking aim at the $500
billion plus in annual federal expenditures that are unauthorized by
Congress or being used in ways that Congress never intended, from $535
million a year to the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and $1.5
billion for grants to international organizations to nearly $300 million
to progressive groups like Planned Parenthood.

The federal government’s procurement process is also badly broken. Many
federal contracts have gone unexamined for years. Large-scale audits
conducted during a temporary suspension of payments would yield
significant savings. The Pentagon recently failed its seventh
consecutive audit, suggesting that the agency’s leadership has little
idea how its annual budget of more than $800 billion is spent. Critics
claim that we can’t meaningfully close the federal deficit without
taking aim at entitlement programs like Medicare and Medicaid, which
require Congress to shrink. But this deflects attention from the sheer
magnitude of waste, fraud and abuse that nearly all taxpayers wish to
end—and that DOGE aims to address by identifying pinpoint executive
actions that would result in immediate savings for taxpayers.

With a decisive electoral mandate and a 6-3 conservative majority on the
Supreme Court, DOGE has a historic opportunity for structural reductions
in the federal government. We are prepared for the onslaught from
entrenched interests in Washington. We expect to prevail. Now is the
moment for decisive action. Our top goal for DOGE is to eliminate the
need for its existence by July 4, 2026—the expiration date we have set
for our project. There is no better birthday gift to our nation on its
250th anniversary than to deliver a federal government that would make
our Founders proud.

Mr. Musk is CEO of SpaceX and Tesla. Mr. Ramaswamy, a businessman, is
author, most recently, of “Truths: The Future of America First” and was
a candidate for the 2024 Republican presidential nomination.
President-elect Trump has named them co-heads of the Department of
Government Efficiency.

By Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy

https://www.wsj.com/opinion/musk-and-ramaswamy-the-doge-plan-to-reform-government-supreme-court-guidance-end-executive-power-grab-fa51c020?mod=hp_opin_pos_0
badgolferman
2024-11-21 18:02:18 UTC
Reply
Permalink
Post by Fred Exley
Not since Kennedy's Camelot era have the brightest and best minds in
America been involved in Washington DC policy making.
Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy: The DOGE Plan to Reform Government
Our nation was founded on the basic idea that the people we elect run
the government. That isn’t how America functions today. Most legal
edicts aren’t laws enacted by Congress but “rules and regulations”
promulgated by unelected bureaucrats—tens of thousands of them each
year. Most government enforcement decisions and discretionary
expenditures aren’t made by the democratically elected president or
even his political appointees but by millions of unelected,
unappointed civil servants within government agencies who view
themselves as immune from firing thanks to civil-service protections.
This is antidemocratic and antithetical to the Founders’ vision. It
imposes massive direct and indirect costs on taxpayers. Thankfully,
we have a historic opportunity to solve the problem. On Nov. 5,
voters decisively elected Donald Trump with a mandate for sweeping
change, and they deserve to get it.
President Trump has asked the two of us to lead a newly formed
Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, to cut the federal
government down to size. The entrenched and ever-growing bureaucracy
represents an existential threat to our republic, and politicians
have abetted it for too long. That’s why we’re doing things
differently. We are entrepreneurs, not politicians. We will serve as
outside volunteers, not federal officials or employees. Unlike
government commissions or advisory committees, we won’t just write
reports or cut ribbons. We’ll cut costs.
We are assisting the Trump transition team to identify and hire a
lean team of small-government crusaders, including some of the
sharpest technical and legal minds in America. This team will work in
the new administration closely with the White House Office of
Management and Budget. The two of us will advise DOGE at every step
to pursue three major kinds of reform: regulatory rescissions,
administrative reductions and cost savings. We will focus
particularly on driving change through executive action based on
existing legislation rather than by passing new laws. Our North Star
for reform will be the U.S. Constitution, with a focus on two
critical Supreme Court rulings issued during President Biden’s tenure.
In West Virginia v. Environmental Protection Agency (2022), the
justices held that agencies can’t impose regulations dealing with
major economic or policy questions unless Congress specifically
authorizes them to do so. In Loper Bright v. Raimondo (2024), the
court overturned the Chevron doctrine and held that federal courts
should no longer defer to federal agencies’ interpretations of the
law or their own rulemaking authority. Together, these cases suggest
that a plethora of current federal regulations exceed the authority
Congress has granted under the law.
DOGE will work with legal experts embedded in government agencies,
aided by advanced technology, to apply these rulings to federal
regulations enacted by such agencies. DOGE will present this list of
regulations to President Trump, who can, by executive action,
immediately pause the enforcement of those regulations and initiate
the process for review and rescission. This would liberate
individuals and businesses from illicit regulations never passed by
Congress and stimulate the U.S. economy.
When the president nullifies thousands of such regulations, critics
will allege executive overreach. In fact, it will be correcting the
executive overreach of thousands of regulations promulgated by
administrative fiat that were never authorized by Congress. The
president owes lawmaking deference to Congress, not to bureaucrats
deep within federal agencies. The use of executive orders to
substitute for lawmaking by adding burdensome new rules is a
constitutional affront, but the use of executive orders to roll back
regulations that wrongly bypassed Congress is legitimate and
necessary to comply with the Supreme Court’s recent mandates. And
after those regulations are fully rescinded, a future president
couldn’t simply flip the switch and revive them but would instead
have to ask Congress to do so.
A drastic reduction in federal regulations provides sound industrial
logic for mass head-count reductions across the federal bureaucracy.
DOGE intends to work with embedded appointees in agencies to identify
the minimum number of employees required at an agency for it to
perform its constitutionally permissible and statutorily mandated
functions. The number of federal employees to cut should be at least
proportionate to the number of federal regulations that are
nullified: Not only are fewer employees required to enforce fewer
regulations, but the agency would produce fewer regulations once its
scope of authority is properly limited. Employees whose positions are
eliminated deserve to be treated with respect, and DOGE’s goal is to
help support their transition into the private sector. The president
can use existing laws to give them incentives for early retirement
and to make voluntary severance payments to facilitate a graceful
exit.
Conventional wisdom holds that statutory civil-service protections
stop the president or even his political appointees from firing
federal workers. The purpose of these protections is to protect
employees from political retaliation. But the statute allows for
“reductions in force” that don’t target specific employees. The
statute further empowers the president to “prescribe rules governing
the competitive service.” That power is broad. Previous presidents
have used it to amend the civil service rules by executive order, and
the Supreme Court has held—in Franklin v. Massachusetts (1992) and
Collins v. Yellen (2021) that they weren’t constrained by the
Administrative Procedures Act when they did so. With this authority,
Mr. Trump can implement any number of “rules governing the
competitive service” that would curtail administrative overgrowth,
from large-scale firings to relocation of federal agencies out of the
Washington area. Requiring federal employees to come to the office
five days a week would result in a wave of voluntary terminations
that we welcome: If federal employees don’t want to show up, American
taxpayers shouldn’t pay them for the Covid-era privilege of staying home.
Finally, we are focused on delivering cost savings for taxpayers.
Skeptics question how much federal spending DOGE can tame through
executive action alone. They point to the 1974 Impoundment Control
Act, which stops the president from ceasing expenditures authorized
by Congress. Mr. Trump has previously suggested this statute is
unconstitutional, and we believe the current Supreme Court would
likely side with him on this question. But even without relying on
that view, DOGE will help end federal overspending by taking aim at
the $500 billion plus in annual federal expenditures that are
unauthorized by Congress or being used in ways that Congress never
intended, from $535 million a year to the Corporation for Public
Broadcasting and $1.5 billion for grants to international
organizations to nearly $300 million to progressive groups like
Planned Parenthood.
The federal government’s procurement process is also badly broken.
Many federal contracts have gone unexamined for years. Large-scale
audits conducted during a temporary suspension of payments would
yield significant savings. The Pentagon recently failed its seventh
consecutive audit, suggesting that the agency’s leadership has little
idea how its annual budget of more than $800 billion is spent.
Critics claim that we can’t meaningfully close the federal deficit
without taking aim at entitlement programs like Medicare and
Medicaid, which require Congress to shrink. But this deflects
attention from the sheer magnitude of waste, fraud and abuse that
nearly all taxpayers wish to end—and that DOGE aims to address by
identifying pinpoint executive actions that would result in immediate
savings for taxpayers.
With a decisive electoral mandate and a 6-3 conservative majority on
the Supreme Court, DOGE has a historic opportunity for structural
reductions in the federal government. We are prepared for the
onslaught from entrenched interests in Washington. We expect to
prevail. Now is the moment for decisive action. Our top goal for DOGE
is to eliminate the need for its existence by July 4, 2026—the
expiration date we have set for our project. There is no better
birthday gift to our nation on its 250th anniversary than to deliver
a federal government that would make our Founders proud.
Mr. Musk is CEO of SpaceX and Tesla. Mr. Ramaswamy, a businessman, is
author, most recently, of “Truths: The Future of America First” and
was a candidate for the 2024 Republican presidential nomination.
President-elect Trump has named them co-heads of the Department of
Government Efficiency.
By Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy
https://www.wsj.com/opinion/musk-and-ramaswamy-the-doge-plan-to-reform-government-supreme-court-guidance-end-executive-power-grab-fa51c020?mod=hp_opin_pos_0
This is all great and sorely needed, but the reality is Congress will
not go along with it. Some small scale programs will be shut down to
make a show of it, but the politicians will have their ears chewed off
by constituents about to lose their jobs and that's not something
they're going to put up with. It's also not quite clear how much power
the president has to actually implement any of this.
--
"Jimmy Carter actually said that George W. Bush is the worst in
history. Then Bush said that's not true, he said that he was the worst
in math and English. He actually got a C in history." ~ Jay Leno
Sharx335
2024-11-21 19:27:49 UTC
Reply
Permalink
Post by Fred Exley
Not since Kennedy's Camelot era have the brightest and best minds in
America been involved in Washington DC policy making.
Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy: The DOGE Plan to Reform Government
Our nation was founded on the basic idea that the people we elect run
the government. That isn’t how America functions today. Most legal
edicts aren’t laws enacted by Congress but “rules and regulations”
promulgated by unelected bureaucrats—tens of thousands of them each
year. Most government enforcement decisions and discretionary
expenditures aren’t made by the democratically elected president or even
his political appointees but by millions of unelected, unappointed civil
servants within government agencies who view themselves as immune from
firing thanks to civil-service protections.
This is antidemocratic and antithetical to the Founders’ vision. It
imposes massive direct and indirect costs on taxpayers. Thankfully, we
have a historic opportunity to solve the problem. On Nov. 5, voters
decisively elected Donald Trump with a mandate for sweeping change, and
they deserve to get it.
President Trump has asked the two of us to lead a newly formed
Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, to cut the federal
government down to size. The entrenched and ever-growing bureaucracy
represents an existential threat to our republic, and politicians have
abetted it for too long. That’s why we’re doing things differently. We
are entrepreneurs, not politicians. We will serve as outside volunteers,
not federal officials or employees. Unlike government commissions or
advisory committees, we won’t just write reports or cut ribbons. We’ll
cut costs.
We are assisting the Trump transition team to identify and hire a lean
team of small-government crusaders, including some of the sharpest
technical and legal minds in America. This team will work in the new
administration closely with the White House Office of Management and
Budget. The two of us will advise DOGE at every step to pursue three
major kinds of reform: regulatory rescissions, administrative reductions
and cost savings. We will focus particularly on driving change through
executive action based on existing legislation rather than by passing
new laws. Our North Star for reform will be the U.S. Constitution, with
a focus on two critical Supreme Court rulings issued during President
Biden’s tenure.
In West Virginia v. Environmental Protection Agency (2022), the justices
held that agencies can’t impose regulations dealing with major economic
or policy questions unless Congress specifically authorizes them to do
so. In Loper Bright v. Raimondo (2024), the court overturned the Chevron
doctrine and held that federal courts should no longer defer to federal
agencies’ interpretations of the law or their own rulemaking authority.
Together, these cases suggest that a plethora of current federal
regulations exceed the authority Congress has granted under the law.
DOGE will work with legal experts embedded in government agencies, aided
by advanced technology, to apply these rulings to federal regulations
enacted by such agencies. DOGE will present this list of regulations to
President Trump, who can, by executive action, immediately pause the
enforcement of those regulations and initiate the process for review and
rescission. This would liberate individuals and businesses from illicit
regulations never passed by Congress and stimulate the U.S. economy.
When the president nullifies thousands of such regulations, critics will
allege executive overreach. In fact, it will be correcting the executive
overreach of thousands of regulations promulgated by administrative fiat
that were never authorized by Congress. The president owes lawmaking
deference to Congress, not to bureaucrats deep within federal agencies.
The use of executive orders to substitute for lawmaking by adding
burdensome new rules is a constitutional affront, but the use of
executive orders to roll back regulations that wrongly bypassed Congress
is legitimate and necessary to comply with the Supreme Court’s recent
mandates. And after those regulations are fully rescinded, a future
president couldn’t simply flip the switch and revive them but would
instead have to ask Congress to do so.
A drastic reduction in federal regulations provides sound industrial
logic for mass head-count reductions across the federal bureaucracy.
DOGE intends to work with embedded appointees in agencies to identify
the minimum number of employees required at an agency for it to perform
its constitutionally permissible and statutorily mandated functions. The
number of federal employees to cut should be at least proportionate to
the number of federal regulations that are nullified: Not only are fewer
employees required to enforce fewer regulations, but the agency would
produce fewer regulations once its scope of authority is properly
limited. Employees whose positions are eliminated deserve to be treated
with respect, and DOGE’s goal is to help support their transition into
the private sector. The president can use existing laws to give them
incentives for early retirement and to make voluntary severance payments
to facilitate a graceful exit.
Conventional wisdom holds that statutory civil-service protections stop
the president or even his political appointees from firing federal
workers. The purpose of these protections is to protect employees from
political retaliation. But the statute allows for “reductions in force”
that don’t target specific employees. The statute further empowers the
president to “prescribe rules governing the competitive service.” That
power is broad. Previous presidents have used it to amend the civil
service rules by executive order, and the Supreme Court has held—in
Franklin v. Massachusetts (1992) and Collins v. Yellen (2021) that they
weren’t constrained by the Administrative Procedures Act when they did
so. With this authority, Mr. Trump can implement any number of “rules
governing the competitive service” that would curtail administrative
overgrowth, from large-scale firings to relocation of federal agencies
out of the Washington area. Requiring federal employees to come to the
office five days a week would result in a wave of voluntary terminations
that we welcome: If federal employees don’t want to show up, American
taxpayers shouldn’t pay them for the Covid-era privilege of staying home.
Finally, we are focused on delivering cost savings for taxpayers.
Skeptics question how much federal spending DOGE can tame through
executive action alone. They point to the 1974 Impoundment Control Act,
which stops the president from ceasing expenditures authorized by
Congress. Mr. Trump has previously suggested this statute is
unconstitutional, and we believe the current Supreme Court would likely
side with him on this question. But even without relying on that view,
DOGE will help end federal overspending by taking aim at the $500
billion plus in annual federal expenditures that are unauthorized by
Congress or being used in ways that Congress never intended, from $535
million a year to the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and $1.5
billion for grants to international organizations to nearly $300 million
to progressive groups like Planned Parenthood.
The federal government’s procurement process is also badly broken. Many
federal contracts have gone unexamined for years. Large-scale audits
conducted during a temporary suspension of payments would yield
significant savings. The Pentagon recently failed its seventh
consecutive audit, suggesting that the agency’s leadership has little
idea how its annual budget of more than $800 billion is spent. Critics
claim that we can’t meaningfully close the federal deficit without
taking aim at entitlement programs like Medicare and Medicaid, which
require Congress to shrink. But this deflects attention from the sheer
magnitude of waste, fraud and abuse that nearly all taxpayers wish to
end—and that DOGE aims to address by identifying pinpoint executive
actions that would result in immediate savings for taxpayers.
With a decisive electoral mandate and a 6-3 conservative majority on the
Supreme Court, DOGE has a historic opportunity for structural reductions
in the federal government. We are prepared for the onslaught from
entrenched interests in Washington. We expect to prevail. Now is the
moment for decisive action. Our top goal for DOGE is to eliminate the
need for its existence by July 4, 2026—the expiration date we have set
for our project. There is no better birthday gift to our nation on its
250th anniversary than to deliver a federal government that would make
our Founders proud.
Mr. Musk is CEO of SpaceX and Tesla. Mr. Ramaswamy, a businessman, is
author, most recently, of “Truths: The Future of America First” and was
a candidate for the 2024 Republican presidential nomination. President-
elect Trump has named them co-heads of the Department of Government
Efficiency.
By Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy
https://www.wsj.com/opinion/musk-and-ramaswamy-the-doge-plan-to-reform-
government-supreme-court-guidance-end-executive-power-grab-fa51c020?
mod=hp_opin_pos_0
Excellent! With the upcoming purge of our limp-wristed Canadian
government, we, up here, look forward to the winds of change.
banjo Jon
2024-11-21 21:53:47 UTC
Reply
Permalink
Post by Fred Exley
Not since Kennedy's Camelot era have the brightest and best minds in
America been involved in Washington DC policy making.
Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy: The DOGE Plan to Reform Government
Our nation was founded on the basic idea that the people we elect run
the government. That isn’t how America functions today. Most legal
edicts aren’t laws enacted by Congress but “rules and regulations”
promulgated by unelected bureaucrats—tens of thousands of them each
year. Most government enforcement decisions and discretionary
expenditures aren’t made by the democratically elected president or even
his political appointees but by millions of unelected, unappointed civil
servants within government agencies who view themselves as immune from
firing thanks to civil-service protections.
This is antidemocratic and antithetical to the Founders’ vision. It
imposes massive direct and indirect costs on taxpayers. Thankfully, we
have a historic opportunity to solve the problem. On Nov. 5, voters
decisively elected Donald Trump with a mandate for sweeping change, and
they deserve to get it.
President Trump has asked the two of us to lead a newly formed
Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, to cut the federal
government down to size. The entrenched and ever-growing bureaucracy
represents an existential threat to our republic, and politicians have
abetted it for too long. That’s why we’re doing things differently. We
are entrepreneurs, not politicians. We will serve as outside volunteers,
not federal officials or employees. Unlike government commissions or
advisory committees, we won’t just write reports or cut ribbons. We’ll
cut costs.
We are assisting the Trump transition team to identify and hire a lean
team of small-government crusaders, including some of the sharpest
technical and legal minds in America. This team will work in the new
administration closely with the White House Office of Management and
Budget. The two of us will advise DOGE at every step to pursue three
major kinds of reform: regulatory rescissions, administrative reductions
and cost savings. We will focus particularly on driving change through
executive action based on existing legislation rather than by passing
new laws. Our North Star for reform will be the U.S. Constitution, with
a focus on two critical Supreme Court rulings issued during President
Biden’s tenure.
In West Virginia v. Environmental Protection Agency (2022), the justices
held that agencies can’t impose regulations dealing with major economic
or policy questions unless Congress specifically authorizes them to do
so. In Loper Bright v. Raimondo (2024), the court overturned the Chevron
doctrine and held that federal courts should no longer defer to federal
agencies’ interpretations of the law or their own rulemaking authority.
Together, these cases suggest that a plethora of current federal
regulations exceed the authority Congress has granted under the law.
DOGE will work with legal experts embedded in government agencies, aided
by advanced technology, to apply these rulings to federal regulations
enacted by such agencies. DOGE will present this list of regulations to
President Trump, who can, by executive action, immediately pause the
enforcement of those regulations and initiate the process for review and
rescission. This would liberate individuals and businesses from illicit
regulations never passed by Congress and stimulate the U.S. economy.
When the president nullifies thousands of such regulations, critics will
allege executive overreach. In fact, it will be correcting the executive
overreach of thousands of regulations promulgated by administrative fiat
that were never authorized by Congress. The president owes lawmaking
deference to Congress, not to bureaucrats deep within federal agencies.
The use of executive orders to substitute for lawmaking by adding
burdensome new rules is a constitutional affront, but the use of
executive orders to roll back regulations that wrongly bypassed Congress
is legitimate and necessary to comply with the Supreme Court’s recent
mandates. And after those regulations are fully rescinded, a future
president couldn’t simply flip the switch and revive them but would
instead have to ask Congress to do so.
A drastic reduction in federal regulations provides sound industrial
logic for mass head-count reductions across the federal bureaucracy.
DOGE intends to work with embedded appointees in agencies to identify
the minimum number of employees required at an agency for it to perform
its constitutionally permissible and statutorily mandated functions. The
number of federal employees to cut should be at least proportionate to
the number of federal regulations that are nullified: Not only are fewer
employees required to enforce fewer regulations, but the agency would
produce fewer regulations once its scope of authority is properly
limited. Employees whose positions are eliminated deserve to be treated
with respect, and DOGE’s goal is to help support their transition into
the private sector. The president can use existing laws to give them
incentives for early retirement and to make voluntary severance payments
to facilitate a graceful exit.
Conventional wisdom holds that statutory civil-service protections stop
the president or even his political appointees from firing federal
workers. The purpose of these protections is to protect employees from
political retaliation. But the statute allows for “reductions in force”
that don’t target specific employees. The statute further empowers the
president to “prescribe rules governing the competitive service.” That
power is broad. Previous presidents have used it to amend the civil
service rules by executive order, and the Supreme Court has held—in
Franklin v. Massachusetts (1992) and Collins v. Yellen (2021) that they
weren’t constrained by the Administrative Procedures Act when they did
so. With this authority, Mr. Trump can implement any number of “rules
governing the competitive service” that would curtail administrative
overgrowth, from large-scale firings to relocation of federal agencies
out of the Washington area. Requiring federal employees to come to the
office five days a week would result in a wave of voluntary terminations
that we welcome: If federal employees don’t want to show up, American
taxpayers shouldn’t pay them for the Covid-era privilege of staying home.
Finally, we are focused on delivering cost savings for taxpayers.
Skeptics question how much federal spending DOGE can tame through
executive action alone. They point to the 1974 Impoundment Control Act,
which stops the president from ceasing expenditures authorized by
Congress. Mr. Trump has previously suggested this statute is
unconstitutional, and we believe the current Supreme Court would likely
side with him on this question. But even without relying on that view,
DOGE will help end federal overspending by taking aim at the $500
billion plus in annual federal expenditures that are unauthorized by
Congress or being used in ways that Congress never intended, from $535
million a year to the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and $1.5
billion for grants to international organizations to nearly $300 million
to progressive groups like Planned Parenthood.
The federal government’s procurement process is also badly broken. Many
federal contracts have gone unexamined for years. Large-scale audits
conducted during a temporary suspension of payments would yield
significant savings. The Pentagon recently failed its seventh
consecutive audit, suggesting that the agency’s leadership has little
idea how its annual budget of more than $800 billion is spent. Critics
claim that we can’t meaningfully close the federal deficit without
taking aim at entitlement programs like Medicare and Medicaid, which
require Congress to shrink. But this deflects attention from the sheer
magnitude of waste, fraud and abuse that nearly all taxpayers wish to
end—and that DOGE aims to address by identifying pinpoint executive
actions that would result in immediate savings for taxpayers.
With a decisive electoral mandate and a 6-3 conservative majority on the
Supreme Court, DOGE has a historic opportunity for structural reductions
in the federal government. We are prepared for the onslaught from
entrenched interests in Washington. We expect to prevail. Now is the
moment for decisive action. Our top goal for DOGE is to eliminate the
need for its existence by July 4, 2026—the expiration date we have set
for our project. There is no better birthday gift to our nation on its
250th anniversary than to deliver a federal government that would make
our Founders proud.
Mr. Musk is CEO of SpaceX and Tesla. Mr. Ramaswamy, a businessman, is
author, most recently, of “Truths: The Future of America First” and was
a candidate for the 2024 Republican presidential nomination. President-
elect Trump has named them co-heads of the Department of Government
Efficiency.
By Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy
https://www.wsj.com/opinion/musk-and-ramaswamy-the-doge-plan-to-reform-
government-supreme-court-guidance-end-executive-power-grab-fa51c020?
mod=hp_opin_pos_0
That's right, jackass Felon. You're the richest man alive so also the
most outspoken. While I have to struggle to understand wtf you're
talking about, send another rocket up your ass and out of orbit and let
the rest of your pee-ons carry on with the world.

This was never a matter of banjo Jon vs. Duckwad Trump. It was all
about a failed romance. Today it still is. God isn't Duckwad or Felon,
but Duckwad and Felon are subservient to God.

.. and so is my qualifier. She is an exponential loss.

I'll wager infinite dollars that it's so

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